A. The
Preamble
In my early
time of entry into the progressives cave of Alimosho around December 1999, the
first tutorial caveat I would get was from my then Ward E2 Market Zone leader,
Honourable Mutiu Adebiyi , popular in the cave today as Aso‘bora. It was in the era of open-wide caucus schism -- divided
house -- reigning as The Ambassadors
versus Maiyegun, which was informed
by a struggle for the chairmanship seat of Alimosho Local Government that holds
as the Federal Constituency gathering today and referred to it as ‘Old
Alimosho’ when its clarity from today’s Alimosho demands it.
Advising me to caution on which side I would pitch my tent with,
Mutiu said and I here quote him in verbatim of the vernacular engagement of our bi-party
discussion to put the poetic rhym context in perspective: “Idi meji Pataki ni a fi n wo egbe oselu – ohun ti a ma je ati ohun ti a
ma je”. This literally means we join politics for two reasons: what we will
eat and what we would like to be as a consequential success of a career in it.
My first impression of him about this was that he was down to heart
with the advice because his disposition was like someone sitting on the fence.
I would later find out that he belonged to another latent partisan third force
camp called Abe Igi.
For reasons too elaborate for a space in this lecture, I
will only define Abe Igi as a camp of
some young men who had pragmatically positioned themselves in the cave with
‘youths’ identity. And in its own scheming of political interest, this camp was
discreetly championing the aspiration of one Honourable Femi Adebanjo (aka ‘Eyes
Open’) for the same council chairmanship seat. This by implication meant that
the Mutiu’s neutrality between the aforesaid duo camps was never by principle
or strategic self caution after all.
The two prominent visages of that Abe’gi happened to be what one would rightly describe as a symbolic
political Siamese: the one was Abdullahi
Ayinla Enilolobo -- the silent but abrasive operator while the other was
one Kehinde Joseph -- the orator and seemingly the bull force of the camp. They
were respectively from Ward A and Ward B. The Mutiu Adebiyi of my Ward E2 was
deemed to have made their strategic spread well informing in the constituency
02 of the purported old Alimosho LGA. I should not fail to mention that one other
young professional visual artist popular in the cave as ‘Sunshine’ also belonged
to this Abe’gi.
The first question to be drawn from this preamble is: Twenty years
after, what has become of these personages? The simple
answer is that they have all made a success of their career in politics. As we
can see, that Enilolobo is today a celebrated king of the Alimosho Progressives’
Cave and a chieftain of the All Progressives Congress (APC) in Lagos State.
After a thorough self-appraisal, Kehinde Joseph successfully shifted
his political interest from a reign in the cave to public governance from 2015 with
appointment into the State Cabinet of Governor Akinwunmi Ambode as Special
Adviser to the Governor on Civic Engagement. From there, he moved to Housing
segment in the same capacity. He would soon be moving his governance career in
politics to the legislature from June 2019 with a process devoid of let or hindrances
from primary election to the general election.
Mutiu Adebiyi has been finally positioned as visage of the camp’s
reminiscence beholding the powers of grassroots governance in Egbe-Idimu Local Council
Development Area. He displaced the Sunshine after the latter’s rebellion
against the Oranmiyan House in the
Alimosho Progressives Cave.
But the point I intend to make of the reference to these respective career
successes is that they all owe it to a
one day exhibition of leadership integrity and refined character in exemplary leader’s
loyalty to the followers. Please note this emphasis by bold texts,
particularly the underscored phrase as you would soon encounter it to be the
core ingredient of this lecture.
B. Going
to the Substance of this Lecture
B.1 Defining the ‘Politicians’ Caves’ and
Loyalty as its Grundnorm
The foregoing
preamble is therefore a foundation to the main substance of this lecture passage,
the thrust of which is rather a lesson in defining ‘loyalty bond’ between a
leader and followers. While the bond is composed of many particulate matters –
such as fairness, responsiveness, justice toleranxe et al, this lecture simply intends to
make a case study for the matter of Leadership
Transparency. In other words, it is to show how transparency of a leader is
a veritable source of imperative absolute loyalty he may desire from followers.
This is the origin of Enilolobo’s leadership phenomenon being discussed here today.
But before dwelling into the substance proper, I would like to make
clarity of what I mean to be ‘Progressives’ Cave’ thus far and the factor of
loyalty as the Cave’s existential necessity.
It is my way of describing politics in a world of its own within a
systemic polity; hence the carving out as Politicians’ Caves.
Accordingly, by ideological and cultural differences, different
political parties exist in their respective caves. The All Progressives
Congress (APC) is ideologically progressives, hence the ‘Progressives Cave’.
The People’s Democratic Party (PDP) is ideologically conservative in culture,
hence its ‘Conservative Cave’.
Generally however; in the politicians’ caves, ‘loyalty’ is the
grundnorm of their ‘Article of Association’. But while it is a common place
creed politicians hold by rote, it is roundly misrepresented in observation and
application -- both in magnitude and direction. It is misrepresented in
magnitude because it becomes a weightless and lip-service phenomenon when it
conflicts with personal interest in due time to distribute the common wealth
resources of the cave known as ‘power sharing’.
More often, personal interest always trounces party loyalty with
merciless booth-marching and kicks at every turn of the four year cycle of the power
sharing events – known in the conventional language as ‘General Elections’.
In direction however, loyalty is misrepresented as a one-way flow:
that only the follower is bound by the loyalty creed to behold to the leader in
the cave. And if I have to calibrate this appropriately, it is a gross
misrepresentation because it generously personifies the party’s interest around
the leader’s preferences.
As a near ideal situation, party loyalty is a two-way directional
flow that aligns with the law of reciprocal. The leader must return the gesture
of loyalty to his followers as he anticipates getting same from them. It was on
this spring of mutual loyalty between the leader and followers that Enilolobo
launched his successful career in politics 20 years ago.
B.2 Narrative
of the Substance
It all
revolves around the story of the first councilorship aspiration of Honorable Waheed
Bello, the said ‘Sunshine’ member of the Abe’gi
and a council chairmanship aspirant I would prefer not to name here but simply referred
to as “the Lawyer”. It is in this narrative that the lesson from this seminar
is embedded.
Before the narration commences, I would like to underscore the
origin of this seminar topic --Enilolobo:
A Subject of Seminar on Leadership Loyalty in the Politicians’ Caves. It
came as a desirable responsive lesson for the emerging successor leaders across
board of age and gender stratification and across party line, whose language of
leadership thrust has become the catch phrase captured in quote as “wait for
your turn”.
There should be no iota of doubt that this catch phrase can only be
deployed by a leader whose administration of the caves’ resources entrusted in
him/her for the party faithful is questioned. And where it is thus deployed in
response, apart from a question mark it puts on the leader’s integrity, it is far
more a symbolic language of a leader’s disloyalty to the followers. The language of a leader's loyalty to the followers is transparency and accountability.
It is normal that in relationship as in politics, suspicion is bound
to arise from time to time. In the case of leader/follower relationship in
question, the application of this catch phrase shows the leader’s contempt
while offer of explanation to clear the doubt is a show of the leader’s loyalty
to the follower.
Nevertheless, the best indicator of leadership loyalty to followers
is as shown by Enilolobo in this event of 2001 to be narrated. The story borders
on a game of subterfuge that transpired between Enilolobo and the council
chairmanship aspirant -- the lawyer.
Eni, as Enilolobo is fondly called in the cave, had led a team of Alliance
for Democracy (AD) Party youth on a ‘tiger’ mission to the lawyer about
mid-year of 2001, as the narrative goes. ‘Tiger’ is a term used for the art of
dry praise singing for cash reward in the cave.
While others had to wait down stairs or by whatever means they were
somewhat isolated from the scene of the duo’s interaction, Eni had gone up to
meet their host. Responding appropriately, the host, the lawyer, gave some cash to Eni on specific headings: that a sum of N5,000 was personally
for Eni himself and N20,000 for his followers. But getting back to his members
downstairs, Eni rather declared: “he (the lawyer) gave us N25,000 to
share”.
Soon after, event demanded a reference to the date and what happened
behind the scene between the lawyer and Eni’s youth group. The lawyer attempted robbing Eni with tags of tendentious greed, treachery and
untrustworthiness. The lawyer declared to the concerned youths
afterwards that ‘when Enilolobo came to him for the youth on the date in
reference, it was N25,000 I gave him, not the N20,000 he declared to you’.
The youths were quick to read the intended mischief on the part of
the lawyer, as Eni now had cause to give the truth of what actually transpired
between him and the lawyer on the said date. The youth wing of the party in the
entire Constituency 02 just became unpacifiable over this as they wondered what
the lawyer intended to achieve with the act. They described it as “his
intention to divide the youth”. Some described it as “setting up Eni as
bone-for- the dogs within the youth camp”. And with that revelation, Eni became
the ‘Hero of Integrity’.
The significance of this single event is the pronounced sound bite
of righteousness it has conferred on Eni within his contemporary progressives
peers today, such that it is readily cited as a part of the tests that earned
Eni his leadership credibility.
Ever since, he had become a trusted ally in whom youths of the
progressives’ cave in Lagos had ever reposed their confidence, trust and
absolute loyalty. And up, up they have pushed him with the elliptical ladder of
their interlocking hands of cooperation to flaunt him as their representation.
C. His
Management of the Alimosho Progressives’ Cave
Managing the
cave has been eventful for Enilolobo and I would like to evaluate this on three
grounds of: 1) his challenges as the leader; 2) his reward and punishment
system; and 3) the quality of his leadership succession planning.
Talking about the reward and punishment system first; it is hard for
this author to define his basic equity in these observed references to come,
but they surely make the examples of reward for loyalty and punishment for
disloyalty as found in his immediate constituency, Egbe-Idimu Local Council Development
Area.
The struggle for the coveted leadership seat Enilolobo occupies
today was a result of subterranean game of contest between him and Honourable
Prince Babatunde Ajilore. Both were members of the inner caucus of the
Oranmiyan House in Lagos. So, the de facto
leader the victor product of that struggle would succeed, Ogbeni Rauf Aregbesola, withheld his influence to favour any side.
At the climax of the struggle in post 2007 congress and post 2008
local government elections, Eni gained the upper hand. But as rule of the game
in the Progressives’ Cave, it was not to be winner takes all.
The ensuing power sharing ceded the office of Secretary to the Local
Government (SLG) of Egbe-Idimu LCDA to Ajilore’s Camp, reigning then as
‘Gbemisoke’ in caucus’ identity. The slot was given to one Tunde Savage from Ward E.
Also as de facto Leader of Ward E that
Ajilore was, Gbemisoke, as metonymy for Ajilore, also had the privilege to
produce the LCDA Councilor for the Ward; but this was never devoid of being yet
a compassionate compensation for Ajilore camp because if left to open debate,
Adebiyi as Eni’s associate would have emerged the Wards’ councilor. But as it
pleased Ajilore, it went to one destiny-ordained accidental councilor by name
Femi Solanke.
Therefore, that arrangement caused a painful denial of Aso’bora’s ambition to Ajilore’s delight
as a part of relics of his war with Eni’s camp. But Eni rather proved his
burning fire for loyalty reward, which never gave Ajilore opportunity for the
last laugh. Thus in the same breath, Eni slammed Aso’bora – Hon Mutiu Adebiyi – with a gift of honourable office of
the Supervisory Councilor for Agriculture and Rural Development. Please note
this one for a part of the Eni’s evidence of rewarding for loyalty yet in view.
But the destination of this segment is his intolerance for disloyalty.
Moving forward in this course retrospectively; it matters to state
that Ajilore Camp also got three membership slots in the LGA Party Executive
Committee, which included the LGA Secretary given to Mr Akinola. The other two
were secured by Mrs. Olawunmi and Alhaji B. Idowu.
By the next governance cycle that began in 2011, Eni had assumed
absolute leadership of the cave. Ajilore also found and exit fortune from the Alimosho
cave with Aregbe’s court victory that made the final triumphant return of
Oranmiyan to Osun. In other words, Ajilore relocated to Osun while Eni got
expanded fiefdom to exercise absolute leadership powers of the cave at his
whims and caprices.
But in a curiosity too difficult to discern as accommodation of all
party faithful irrespective of their followership pedigree, this author noticed
that all the remnant of Ajilore’s political lineage in the personages above
were also eliminated from the power equation of the cave. Thus by so doing, the
relics of Gbemisoke were deemed to have been buried finally.
And that begs
the question any discernible mind would want to ask when this situation is
juxtaposed with the purported 2007 power struggle between the duo of Ajilore
and Enilolobo: can Eni be justifiably described as a fair and equity leader for
all and sundry? This question is germane as akin to a possible allusion of this
to a burning vengeance of the proverbial Yoruba adage: iyan ogun odun a ma joni lowo.
But R.A Jimoh in his coming book on the political history of Alimosho,
entitled: The ‘Progressives’ Identity of
Alimosho Politics: the Evolution from the Ancient Origin Todate, provides
the clue to why Eni took that action. He explained that Eni only punished them
for act of disloyalty to Ajilore that positioned them into their respective
posts.
He writes:“Before going into the nitty-gritty of this chapter,
something will make interesting read in this passage: it was the dramatic way
Eni swiftly discarded the four relics of Gbemisoke from the mainstream of
Oranmiyan Dynasty soon after Aregbe’s final departure to Osun. They were Tunde
Savage, a former Secretary to the Local Government for Egbe-Idimu LCDA; Mr
Akinola, the LGA Party Secretary; Alhaji B. Idowu and Mrs.Olawunmi, both of whom
were also members of the LGA Party Executive committee.
“The one that would have made a fifth of the relics was the Councillor
of Egbe (Ward E), Hon Femi Solanke of blessed memory. He fails a reckoning here
because he was only a product of chicanery threw up by exigency of political
animosity occasioned by the aforesaid subterranean contest for Aregbe’s
leadership crown. What theory of coincidence proved to be the backlash of the
Femi’s take of the councillorship was a sort of Chicken Pox ailment gift to
Ajilore’s wife, which was presumed to be attack that emanated from that
struggle.
“However, the fundamental point intended to be raised about the
purported act of Eni sacking Ajilore’s people was the motive behind it. Except
for Savage, others were discarded for their tendentious act of treachery
against their benefactor – Ajilore”. That makes what can be the Eni’s red eyes
for disloyalty.
That leads us to talking of rewards for loyalty. Of course, all his
faithful followers and direct aides have been rewarded significantly and they
have assets to show for it. The Adebiyi’s had just been mentioned in the
passing above. And as the list is endless, the making of a Sole Administrator
of Egbe-Idimu LCDA in one Doyin Salami (aka Agba)
will be mentioned for another narrative case study. Why? Because it connects
directly with how the Sun literally set at dawn for Sunshine – Hon. Waheed
Bello.
Other cases of significant reward for loyalty are as found in one Sanjay
and Honourable Noah, which shall be mentioned as Eni’s seemingly apparent
success in leadership succession planning.
It is the consensus of majority’s opinion as gathered in the
Egbe-Idimu progressives’ cave that for lack of the charisma, Doyin Salami was never a
fit for office of The Sole Administrator.
He nevertheless got that as a reward for the persecution he suffered from the ‘Almighty’
days of Hon Waheed Bello in his last administration as Council Chairman of
Egbe-Idimu LCDA. It was a damage he (Agba) suffered for being a staunch Eni’s
loyalist in then festering war between Sunshine and Eni.
Permit me to enter a caveat here: that whatever I write about on
this subject of Eni/Sunshine’s feud here is the limit of fact I got about it
from personal investigation and personal trail of the events as unfolding. Every
opportunity I offered Sunshine to provide his side of the story was turned down
for whatever reason best known to him. But as it were, what I reveal here about
him is at least 95% the fact. He (Sunshine) therefore holds responsibility for
the 5% plus or minus error margin, which can only hover around whatever he
holds as the cause of his rebellion against the Oranmiyan House that built his
political career.
He began by dislodging the councilors from their purposeful parliamentary
building to an uncomfortable setting not fair enough for that independent arm
of the government that holds the coordinate power of the people in the
governance. However, Sunshine did not fail to feign acknowledgement of
existence of the legislators. I saw this because I did not cover the story or
did the research work by proxy.
One of the special ways he acknowledged it was the conventional
offer of car loan/gift to the councillors at such cycle of governance. But he
denied Agba this opportunity. The excuse he offered for this was first that as
Leader of the House, he wanted to make Agba’s a special brand of car. Agba
never got a jalopy for a car afterwards, except if an underneath event had
vitiated this as my last knowledge of the situation.
As at about third quarters of 2014, monetary allowance and a part of
salary arrears due to Agba in accumulated sum of about N1.8 million was said to
have been unlawfully withheld by sunshine.
The situation was so dire that Enilolobo had to personally visit the
Council to observe the new ‘legislative corner’. The only succour that legislative
arm could get from that visit was Sunshine’s move to give the two-room office
-- that serves as the plenary chamber,
Office of the Speaker and councillors’ office -- a face lift with painting.
Those who understood the politics of Sunshine’s game believed it was
the best strategy he could deploy to ward off any potential move of impeachment
against him. But it was a strategy far more indicting with a grievous bases for
impeachment. His only saving grace was that Eni rather chose to stick to the
primordial rule of the Alimosho’s progressives cave as established by Aregbe:
that whatever the situation, the innards of the cave should never be exposed to
the public. In other words, party crisis over misdemeanour of any public office
holders should never degenerate to the level of public awareness. Could there
have been move of impeachment that would not attract the media attention? N0!
Accordingly, the situation only revealed another leadership
attributes in Eni: Patience and Tolerance. With Agba as leader of the House, the
implication was that Eni owned the parliament for deployment at his whims and
caprices.
By putting the legislature in comatose, the deductible implication could
only be that Sunshine’s budgets of those years were never appropriated or
legislated into expenditure. This is one grievous offence for “gross
misconduct” to warrant his impeachment to proceed. But Eni never applied his
full powers in this regard. Likewise, he never used budgetary matters to join issues
with Sunshine. That Agba received more of the Sunshine’s missiles launched at
Eni was never in doubt. The reward Eni had to offer him was to make him a
successor to Sunshine.
Unfortunately, it could have been better that Agba never went
through that office. It only exposed the depth of his naivety and shallow
administrative capacity that is tangential to his acclaimed certificated Master’s
Degree. He came out of that office more dented in image and special relevance
in the cave.
It thus amazes
when the Agba would later diminished the prestige of green pen by going about
to paste stickers of “Enilolobo an Icon…” on cars booth at Federal Constituency
meeting after he failed to use the powers for the ideals and principle of
fairness and justice Enilolobo stands for.
Aregbe then as
commissioner for works and infrastructure did not use any ephemeral means that
lacked depth of substances to institutionalise Asiwaju in the heart of Alimosho
progressives’ faithful. He simply used the office to project what Tinubu stood
for in leadership of the party. And doing so charismatic ally, Aregbe became an
institution himself.
To pontificate thus way may be a hard hit for Agba but no mischief intended. His case
only comes handy for a part of the leadership lesson in discourse – an
exemplary case study for the “wait-for-your-turn” leadership syndrome that
negates the leadership ideals of Enilolobo. Therefore, this is rather a mirror
for him to reflect on his performance in the brief test of his innate capacity
for leadership and see if indeed he was never a grassroots culprit of the
offence that denied Akinwunmi Ambode his second term, which compelling loyalty
to the party caused him (Agba) to join the party crowd that cast the stone
against Ambode.
The relevance of Agba to this lecture is that Eni had done his part
to reward him for his absolute loyalty. Lehin
t’alagemo ti bi’more tan, aimojo ku s’owo omo alagemo.
Moving to assessment of his success in leadership succession
planning, Sanjay comes to mind. He succeeded Eni as Youth Leader of the
Alimosho progressives. And as Eni may have wishfully primed him for it, Sanjay
emerged as Egbe-Idimu LCDA Party Chairman in the last LGA Congress held on May
5th 2018. He succeeded the late Chief Solomon Ogundola, the Lejoka
of Ijoka in a manner the Lejoka told this author he appreciated as generation
shift in the administration of the party today.
However, it would be an unnecessary hyperbole and praise singing for
this author to define Enilolobo’s succession success on the mere measure of
this Sanjay’s rise in political career. It is because nearly nothing is known
about his administration success of his complete years of the youth leadership.
Nevertheless, not a few faithful of the Egbe-Idimu progressives’
cave have spoken gleefully about his management of the party’s affairs and
finances in the last general elections. But while this shows a promise of the
goodies in his kitty, it is yet too early to measure his broad administrative
capacity of the party in calibration of a success gauge. As Yoruba would say; Ibere ko loni’se, which literally means
the starter is not the doer of work. And gracefully, for people of his cave, Sanjay
is abere to lokun nidi ni.
D. His
Leadership Challenges
Surmounting
leadership challenges is one of the inevitable variables to consider while
evaluating a leader’s success. Eni had his own challenges he encountered. One
broad part of this is filling the wide gap between the real diverse and
variegated interests of the party faithful and the leader’s satisfactory belief
in having met all the needs of the greatest number of all. The gap is
unconditionally one factor that always drives the threat to the leader’s
leadership continuum, when a need arises for a vote of confidence in him to
continue as the leader.
This was Eni’s experience at the last APC Congress in Alimosho, when
his trusted ally, Alhaji Waheed Bello (Sunshine) became his arch rival in the
democratically legitimate struggle for power.
Yes, this is the ritual of the caves every four years globally. What
however made the 2018 version different and qualified it as a serious challenge
in this discourse was the violent dimension it took. As to the fact this author
found to be the greatest of Eni’s version of this experience was his consistent
prayer point that no life should be lost from any sides of the war.
In fact, one of his close aides made this observation the basis for
his thanks giving at a latter Egungun Festival in Egbe Kingdom. While making
offering to Egungun Jagba of Opeloyeru Oresan Family Lineage in Egbe, the aide
said and I quote him verbally: “Gege bi
idunu oga mi fun gbigba adura re pe ki ohun ma ri iku omo egbe Kankan ni akoko
Congress wa, ti ode waye be, mo dupe ni oruko oga mi, Enilolobo, fun inu re to
ndun lowo lowo….”
Whoever witnessed the period of the congress in the progressives
cave of Alimosho would not fail to calibrate this prayer and thanks giving as
ultimately needful. But from this author’s observation, it was a prayer Eni
walked with desirable cautionary actions.
Eni rather chose to remain defensive to all provocative violent acts
of the rebel camp. The violent assault began abruptly at the Party’s Federal
Constituency meeting venue in Mosan/Okunola LCDA territory on Saturday, February
24. 2018. Thence, it became localised trouble in the six LCDA caves.
This author witnessed the Egbe-Idimu’s -- the cave that habours the
Eni and the ATTM rebel faction leader, Sunshine together. The experience was
terrifying from the sporadic gun shots that accompanied it from the offensive
rebel groups. And surprised that the Eni/Sunshine rivalry could degenerate to
that abyss, I made calls and several text messages to Sunshine, just to hear
from him if the accusation that he was behind such uncompromising ‘ballistic’
assaults could ever be true. It was mute from him till date.
But in spite of all this, the post congress open embrace of Sunshine
by Enilolobo as a reconciliation setting held at Samkoll Garden rather
displayed more of Eni’s leadership humility and large heart.
But as already said, the rebels Eni actually fought in that travails
of leadership trial war were in many groups that made the Sunshine’s ATTM only
a factional rebel group. The implication is that reconciliation is yet ongoing
as my discreet investigation revealed.
About two Wednesdays ago at
around 10am, Eni hosted another faction, the AGM group to a ‘breakfast’ meeting. The significant aspect of that meeting was
the imperative need for everyone there to state his grievances that pushed him
out of the Cave to the bush for the rebellion.
I hold it that at the meeting,
it would become obvious to some other members of the rebels present that
indeed, eran ti dapo mero – that
there were shafts among their grains. What do I mean?
While many of them may actually
have genuine bases for their cause, some others only lashed into the pervading
commotion for a selfish cause in opportunism. Such is the case of Sunday
Aboyade.
By my privilege of strong
membership of the cave at incipient, Aboyade had never been known for any
contribution to the progressives cave howsoever one may seek a flimsy excuse in
his defence for this. But he yet has a record of being one of the early
beneficiaries of the party’s victory in Alimosho with appointment as a supervisory
councilor.
Curiously, he earned this not by
any established dint of hard work, but a proxy benefit of a slot legitimately
earned by a Senior Aboyade, a former Education Executive Secretary, who
embraced the party faithful as his household family. Even then, the Sunday
Aboyade never deployed the privilege of that office to advantage for a record
of fair contribution in terms of imparting members of his ward. And soon after
his tenure, he simply ceased his already passive membership of the party in totality
for a sand mining adventure without looking back.
Thus about 12 years after, being the period of war in question, he
surfaced only to raise arm against Eni. In fact, some members of his ward
confirmed to my enquiries that he never came to the ward for a day reunion
formality until he was found to be part of the rebels with extreme wish of bad
luck for the party in a round table plot with the enemy camp – Jimi Agbaje.
Now the question is: would it be
justicious for Eni’s leadership to attempt pacification of the like of this
Aboyade Junior just because he had opportunity to hold gun at Eni in war for
the power struggle? Would doing so make sense without upsetting the balance of
Eni’s leadership fairness in his conscience? But such is a case of wisdom
leaders imperatively seek for guidance in management of the metaphoric shafts
in the grains of their followership.
There is no doubt that Eni is
holding out a large heart to all. This is particularly discernible in his
intervention that caused the State Task Force to stay action on the notice of
eviction served on Alhaji Balogun, the ram seller at the Council Market, who
doubles as the Baba Oja too.
E. Conclusion
But given all
this impact of his leadership in the cave, how has it translated to the
consequential results of the imperative electoral value for the progressives
party in Alimosho? In other words, what can be the outcome of a caused
evaluation of the progressives’ electoral performances progress since 2011
under his leadership watch?
With my time far spent, this
shall be left for the next round of this lecture. But this pen will not be down
without a reference to the theme of that part two. It is to hint Eni that the
party needs a committed channel of strategic bridging nexus with the public.
