Razaq Adedeji Jimoh, Toyo C. Ngem and Omotoyosi Hakeeb
History
is not what happened, History is what is written – Brian Browne
AT conception of the book idea on the Political History of Alimosho, what the initiative viewed as a primary problem to encounter on the field of a project like it was the feasibility of deliberate distortions to pre-existing historical narratives that should not be ruled out. But the view did not give a prescience of such feasibility along the line of getting distorted narratives of contemporary events of the recent two decades past. The reason is farfetched: the former acknowledges existentiality of a history in need of updated evaluation. The latter focuses on the need of generational future in documentation of contemporary events for a new history. But it turned out that, even, the narrative of most recent events as late as yesterday is not immune to distortion. A case study will make this clearer.
About the first
quarter of 2019, an open intellectual sparring between Tunde Rahman and Fuad
Oki drew the attention of this author to the natural tendency of a people to
wish a change of the course of history to their preferred narratives.
Oki had given a
long list of his perspective of anti-democratic credentials of Asiwaju Bola
Ahmed Tinubu in his online/offline serial publication entitled The Broom
Revolution. That was further to the open knowledge of his unyielding obsessive
political-death wish for that former Governor of Lagos State and National
Leader of the All Progressives Congress (APC).
In his
rejoinder, Rahman chose to bring forth to the public the person of Oki as an
empirical entity of the living spirit of the democratic candour in Tinubu. To
that extent, he revealed how Oki emerged as the Director General of Akinwunmi
Ambode Campaign Organisation in 2015 on the exclusive request made to Tinubu by
Governor Raji Fashola.
As implied by
Rahman, that alone depicted the large heart of Tinubu for Oki beyond the goal
of attempt at mending the fractures of the post-primary governorship election
in the Lagos APC. In other words; that given the well-known long history of Oki
consistently leading a faction of consistent rampaging rebellion against
Tinubu's leadership of the Lagos progressives since 2009, the latter never yet
wielded his powers to reject him (Oki) and seek alternatives from Fashola.
 |
| Source: Barlade Image Communication/Yemab Publishers' Alimosho Streets Map |
With an interesting curiosity however, this Rhaman/Oki issue happened not long after reading an account of Hon Adelabu Onibiyo's purported origin of his political relationship with Ogbeni Abdul-Rauf Adesoji Regbesola (“Aregbe”) in the late 2018. These two combined, made the whole scenario that raised this author's consciousness to existentiality of a contemporary people imbued with 'strange' instinct to tell what is here described as 'wishful facts' – call it a diplomatic lexicon for barefaced lies if you like – in order to change the narratives of their past to a preferred referential legacy.
Onibiyo was
published to have blasted Aregbe. And in that context, according to the story
in PM News, he described Aregbe as “a man with sly personality that cannot be
trusted”.
He was quoted
to have said that “Aregbe had a way of outsmarting his political
contemporaries, destroying them (in the process) to end up becoming rag tag
people and hangers on after using them to achieve his ambition”. He thus
claimed that “Aregbe became the Alimosho leader through his own (Onibiyo's)
making but later dumped him after he (Aregbe) had achieved his wish”.
He noted that
“Aregbe’s ultimate ambition was to supplant and surpass Asiwaju Bola Tinubu and
Chief Obafemi Awolowo (political legacies) through his manipulations”. He vowed
assuredly that Asiwaju Tinubu already had his own lamentation about Aregbe
because of his (Asiwaju’s) nature of trusting people, but he may not say it out
as an elderly leader. Parenthesis is this author’s.
He also blamed
the 2018/2019 crisis that rocked Alimosho APC on Aregbe's continued use of the
local government's leadership to fight every successful governor of Lagos State
to Tinubu.
But one may
want to ask at this junction: who is Adselabu Onibiyo? And to what essence is
the relevance of his anti-Aregbe verbal pugilism here?
 |
| Senator Adeola (left) was Onibiyo's (right) LSHA House mate in 2003 for being 'party man' |
The answers should suffice that it is to draw adequate attention to the subject matter of this Cover Story through the genesis his (Onibiyo’s) own gambits of evidential deliberate confinement of History to negligence in pushing his cause of feud with Aregbe. This perhaps may be so, innocently, because in a society where reading culture is in comatose, History is always famished to repulsive stunted-cripple.
By convention,
History does not often originate from a pre-ordained process of events. It
evolves by accidental human endeavours that tally with the progressive
evolution of human behaviours through life. Thus the fact in Omatseye's claim
in his 'Big Talk' show of Wole Soyinka edition that: “in classical thinking, a
hero doesn't think himself a hero doing things” until events of time bestow it
on him.
It is the
reason true History is hardly an audio visual documentation, but the texts of
accounts of time that creates it into a living soul. This why Brian Browne says
“History is not what happens. It is what is written”.
But unknown to
those the like to take advantage of the dilemma of History, they forget that
famished History does sometimes get divine humanitarian intervention that will
nurture it to full growth to survive generations in some society. That is the
fate of Alimosho’s Political History readers are wont to encounter here.
Without any iota of doubt, it is believed that the Onibiyo, his folk turned foe
– Aregbe – or all of the dramatis personae on set of Alimosho's political play
in over two decades of this Fourth Republic may be oblivious of it as one
living History of their acts and scenes.
By objective of
this edition of Civics Journal, it is this History that has come to give its
raw eye witness accounts of the time Onibiyo sets for reference of study when
he claimed that he made Aregbe’s political success story. This is the only way,
as rightly convinced by the Editorial, that both parties are being accorded
equal opportunities on this platform before the court of public opinion.
This is to say
this Journal has no intention for analytical evaluation of Onibiyo's claim, but
to present the eye-witness accounts of History that address the facts around
the issues he raised, which particularly include the real cause of the 2019
uprising against the Leadership of Alhaji Abdullahi Enilolobo that Onibiyo
blamed on Aregbe. This is what the political segment (Volume 3) of the Book of
Alimosho History entitled Evolution of the Progressives Identity of Alimosho
Politics. is giving here.
In other words, the excerpt of the origin of Aregbe’s leadership of Alimosho from that History is what readers are to read thence.
 |
| PAH Team with Rev Idowu Akindele while gathering materials for the Political History of Alimosho |
THE formal introduction of Onibiyo will make a good course to begin from the harmonization of the 23 progressives' political caucuses that birthed with this Fourth Republic in 1998. It will be an interesting read about the origin of what I hold to be the transition of political leadership of Alimosho from Sir A. A. Akinyemi to Engr Abdul-Rauf Aregbesola as a direct fallout of a leadership struggle for the soul Alimosho Youth Forum (AYF) between Enilolobo and one Julius (of blessed memory).
At the time,
Adelabu Onibiyo and Tunji Olawuyi (aka Nothing
Spoil) were the pillars of a rival youth group beholding to the command of
Executive Chairman of Alimosho Local Government, the A. A. AKinyemi. They hold
meetings of that factional youth group at his residence. Of course, there was
the third force group – the Golden Frontiers (GF) of the Omoba Falade, Aboyade
and Olabisi, operating a cult-like elite youth…
It may be said
that the interplay of intrigues and scheming underscoring the leadership
struggles between these different youth groups made the catalysts that
initiated a process of political realignment among the 23 caucus groups. This
culminated into a collateral restructuring that brought 20 other caucuses –
comprising mostly of the Alimosho North (the Agbado/Okeodo/Ayobo/Ipaja) group
to merge with the Fountain Group, administratively-led by Prince Babatunde
Ajilore. Fountain had the like of Alhaji Hassan and Otunba Ashimiu Olorunfemi,
a member of A. A. Akinyemi's Cabinet as Baba'sale...
The product of
this merger was a formidable unified caucus named Maiyegun. It literally
positioned itself as a common front against the interest of then the Alimosho
progressives’ “most powerful leader”, Akinyemi, in bid to oppose the emerging
signs of his prospect to impose a successor while nurturing a higher ambition
to the Senate.
One of the
remaining two caucuses – The Ambassador
– which evolved as the brainchild of Hon Jimoh Ajao for his chairmanship
aspiration in bid to succeed Akinyemi. Ajao was also a member of Akinyemi's
Cabinet. Besides, The Ambassador was
believed to be the platform Akinyemi sponsored to “impose” a successor.
The last was
the Baba Elediye/Orelope's Millenium
caucus, which held Wards C1 & C2 (Akowonjo/Orelope/Egbeda axis) as its
territorial stronghold. It became the beautiful bride now sought after by
Maiyegun and Ambassaor to seal a better alliance of stronger block, which
Millenium was not keenly interested in. Of course it had cause to be proud
having once produced a member of the Lagos State House of Assembly on the
platform of the defunct Social Democratic Party (SDP) in person of Adejoke
Orelope-Adefulire in the botched Third Republic.
But after resisting the several merger
requests, it eventually settled for an alliance with Maiyegun. By implication of this, the group chose to work with Maiyegun in pursuit of common interests
without dropping or change its name identity.
However, amidst
these alignment and re-alignment among the caucuses, some youth leaders lost
out in the intrigues and gambits that changed the progressives’ youth identity
from the Alimosho Youth Forum (AYF) to Alimosho Youth Mainstream (AYM) where
Enilolobo emerged as Youth Leader and Kehinde Joseph became Youth President. As
could be appropriately termed, those youths that lost out became the collateral
damage of the contextual political cold war. They were thrown overboard the
mainstream body of the Alimosho political youth. They included the like of
Omoba Falade, Ewuoso (aka Singapore)
and one Koko in their respective strengths of political spheres – Mosan, Idimu
and Egbeda/Orelope territories.
 |
| Sir A. A. Akinyemi and Jimoh Ajao, the old the Ambassadors at a reunion event |
A renegade they could be deemed though, and notwithstanding that they came from different camps, the trio and ilk had become a like mind group the Omoba Akintola Falade had affected with his array of intellectual fringes. Thus being an ‘intellectual’ group as Falade always wanted to position himself in niche identity within the youth, they were clever enough to create another strategic pathway by creating a political working paper in a new identity they called Independent Campaign Group (”ICG”). They intended to use this scheme for positioning as a beautiful bride in the new order. However, they had in mind to deploy it for the chairmanship aspiration of Otunba Ashimiu Olorunfemi (aka Ashy) within the new Mandate Group. Accordingly, they slogan was: ICG!!! Go for Ashi!
For those who
understood the internal politics of that era, this was a sagacious move because
the choice of Otunba Ashimiu literally marked them out as yet members of the
inner forces against Akinyemi’s leadership.
As Maiyegun’s
crowd trounced the Akinyemi/Jimoh Ajao’s Ambassador
at the Iyana-Ipaja reception for Tinubu, the event was to eventually define and
settle finally the emergence of a new political leader for Alimosho. It took
the following path.
The alliance
force of the 22 political caucuses which made a success of the road parade
& show of their political war chest to Governor Tinubu would seem to have
something missing to consolidate on the success in order to stand stronger.
That missing element was a new leadership representation at the state level of
the government. For this, the Alimosho representative in the State Cabinet
holding the portfolio of then Commissioner for Works and Infrastructure was
quickly embraced. That way, the man Abdul-Rauf Adesoji Aregbesola was crowned
the new Political Leader of the Alimosho Progressives the local leaders would
have to defer to.
At this time, as
one source put it succinctly, “Onibiyo was politically a living corpse
already”, having fallen out of favour with Akinyemi for allegation that he was
sleeping in the enemy's camp. He had therefore used the opportunity of the
emerging signs of the time to lash into the Falade's Independent Campaign
Organisation Group (ICG) of Maiyegun.
Another
'dissident' group out of Akinyemi camp that rose up in arms against him
(Akinyemi) following the Iyana-Ipaja parade was the Alhaji Adebimpe; Aboyade, the ally of Falade in the Golden
Frontier; Onifade (aka Legba) et al. Singapore (Ewuoso) and Kunle (aka System),
would later move to align with them for a new factional anti-Akinyemi group after
Eni and Kehinde Joseph, again, successfully decimated their post AYF factional
youth group called ‘Fountain Youth’. The skillful tact with which Onibiyo
gained the heart of Aregbe to displace Femi Adebanjo (aka Eyes Open) from the
Lagos State House of Assembly in 2003 was lurked in this Eni/Kehinde gambit as
readers are to find out soon.
Likewise,
observers with discernible mind also believed that the leadership transition
from Akinyemi to Aregbe would not have been seamless as it came but for the
Akinyemi’s pride that blindfolded him to his fall, particularly his stuck to
the Senatorial ambition that set his bitter feud with Tinubu on course.
Otherwise, Akinyemi was yet one Alimosho politician Tinubu held in high esteem...
Aboyade substantiated this in his own account of the contemporary history of
Alimosho politics he gave to the team of Project
Alimosho Heritage in a late night interaction with him at his Isheri Olofin
residence.
Opinion is yet
divided on the intrigues behind the successful transition of the leadership to
Aregbe. A school of thought said it was an outcome of latent strategic plot of
Aregbe. Another school of thought however said Aregbe had his hands too full at
that incipient of Tinubu’s administration to yet engage himself in such
struggle for leadership. This latter school cited the backlash of the first
six-month delay in the takeoff of physical governance at the time.
It should be
recalled truly that Tinubu used the first six months of his administration in
designing the blue prints for his governance policies and the pathways to
implementing them. This book nevertheless hopes to clarify on these contrasting
views at a prospect of the purposeful encounter with the Aregbe put in view.
 |
| Akinyemi, last Executive Chairman of the whole Alimosho Federal Constituency |
However, something of immense importance seemed to give credence to the position of the latter school from the post Iyana-Ipaja event. After the reception of Governor Tinubu, the elated Commissioner Aregbe became open to all those that had hitherto been closed to the A.A. Akinyemi's power corridor, giving them the desired attention for obvious reason.
This nevertheless became needful the more,
when Akinyemi chose to tighten his apron string to Afenifere. At the time,
Ganiu Daudu-led Lagos Afenire had refused to back off its persistent
anti-Tinubu conspiracy carried over from the Lagos 1998 governorship primary
election of the Alliamce for Democracy (AD) which was foiled by Alhaji Hassan
Olajokun (of blessed memory). It was this related intrigue that facilitated the
ambience for Adelabu Onibiyo to warm his way to the heart of Aregbe.
The first benefit Onibiyo would gain from this new follower relationship with Aregbe was the party ticket for Lagos State House of Assembly on a platter of gold because he lacked the war chest for it at the time. He nevertheless got it with traits of blackmail against the Party Chairman, Chief Solomon Ogundola (Adimula) with tricks that were to cause Aregbe’s endorsement of his candidature which, in political parlance, would literally mean the blacklisting of his opponent aspirant who, in this case, happened to be the same Segun Adewale (aka Aeroland).
As the
Afenifere heightened its baying for Tinubu's blood, it became imperative for all
the State Cabinet members to strengthen their respective local government bases
by guarding their loins. So, as part of the Aregbe's strategy in this regard,
he chose to consolidate on the gains of the harmonized caucus group...
 |
| Aboyade says Senatorial Ambition fell Akinyemi |
At one of the discussions to that effect in the inner temple of Aregbe's sanctuary, Onibiyo revealed the existence of an ICG document to Aregbe, who instantly called for it.
History saw it
that he (Onibiyo) told Aregbe that “some aspirants (to mean Aeroland) are
bribing party chairmen (to mean Adimula) with brand new car”. Aregbe, more with
intention to create a level playing ground for all aspirants – “that included
the like of then misery struck Onibiyo” – ordered such chairman to be removed
from office. Adimula escaped impeachment by the whiskers...
All the same, Akinyemi would later decamp to the opposition party, PDP, as Aregbe began to consolidate on his leadership of Alimosho.
 |
| Enilolobo Apex Leader |
THE Chapter of “Rebellion in the Alimosho House of Oranmiyan” should make an interesting read for the account of Onibiyo’s claim that Ogbeni Aregbe’s bid to return to Alimosho for a Senatorial bid fueled the 2018/2019 crisis in the Alimosho Progressives Cave (APC). “if he (Aregbe) had performed there, ordinarily he will seek his senatorial ambition from Osun State”, he said.
Those that are versed
in the practical politics of Nigeria may want to conclude that even from the
peripheral observations; contradictions and mischiefs are discernible from this
allegation. For one, the allegation that Aregbe planned to return to Lagos to
contest for a senatorial seat is to the least an incontestable mischief. But
what does History give for eye witness account? The abridged excerpt follows.
On Saturday,
February 24, 2018, the major sign of fissures in the progressives' cave of
Alimosho manifested in a warning strike of brigandage attack on the party
leadership at the Akinogun venue of its monthly Federal Constituency Meeting in
Mosan Okunola LCDA. The crisis nevertheless had its origin in the growing
discontent with the leadership of Enilolobo, the successor to Aregbe.
The story is,
though, a complex mix of diverse rebellious forces of different aggrieving interests,
it nevertheless converges to a call for an end to Enilolobo's long but “now
boring” leadership. However, envy of his success profile by the aggrieved could
as well be a condiment in the recipe because all sides to the crisis –
Enilolobo (“Eni”) and 'dissidents' – were aware of their respective modest
origin in the Alimosho Progressives' Cave (“APC” or “the Cave”).
The dynamics of
politics that purportedly harmonized the 23 progressives' caucuses in Alimosho
never eroded completely the erstwhile politics of caucus alignment. However, it
wrought a new leadership imbued with natural skill for balancing the contending
forces of centrifugal pulls of diverse interest peculiar to the sphere of
politics. However, the three residual caucuses obliterated their former
identities to exist as virtual loyalty camps in the newly formed 'G18' created
by the new Leader to centralize the Alimosho progressives’ leadership around
the three camps. It was now Aregbe Camp for Maiyegun,
Joke Orelope Camp for Millennium and
Jimoh Ajao Camp for Ambassador.
 |
| Orelope-Adefulire for Justice Forum |
But a part can never be greater than or equal to the whole. The dynamics of state politics by way of caucus alignment was to soon bring out a new set of caucus identities in the first two camps. Aregbe Camp aligned with Bola Ahmed Tinubu Campaign Organisation (BATCO) via a local structure called Alimosho Democrat (AD). Joke Orelope aligned with the Justice Forum.
In all of
these, however, one would need to give it to the steering leader, Aregbesola.
He administered the G18 leadership in a manner underscored by democratic
principle of balanced power sharing. With this, he was able to forge the
relative peace enjoyed in the APC thus far until this 2018 uprising against the
leadership of Enilolobo...
To outsiders
and even many members of the APC, the struggle to displace Eni would be seen
more as the convention of struggle for power at the right clime. But those who
understood the command structure of Alimosho progressives' politics would
understand it to be a rise against the serial breach of the leadership template
left behind by Aregbe. And for the discernible minds among those who knew it
all wholesomely, they have argued along the part of treachery, saying “it was
clear that even the breach started more as serial stabs to Aregbe's heart of
forgiveness which only endured thus far. This can be well understood from the
review of incipient leadership of G18 which can rightly underscore a better
understanding of Aregbe's template of fairness in balancing of power sharing.
Let's take the
journey from analysis of the internal working system of the G18 by way of
reviewing the shadow election for the 2008 local government election, which
brought in Hon Morenikeji Adeshina Williams to displace MAO form the seat of
Executive Chairman of Igando/Ikotun Local Council Development Area (LCDA).
G18 operates
like a House of Parliament in which the camp in majority produces the
Parliamentary Leader. Aregbe's camp was in clear majority as already
established. Suffice to justify that he, Aregbesola, ordinarily qualified for
the leadership of that 'Power House' – the G18 – of the progressives beyond his
endowment status as a member of, even, the prestigious 'Kitchen' Cabinet of the
Asiwaju Bola Ahmed Tinubu's Government.
Also as a
common rule of the parliament globally, it constitutes an act of anathema and
self-suicide mission for the majority camp to allow the minority to severally
preside over the affairs of parliament at any given time; hence that the Deputy
Leader of the Parliament should also come from the majority camp.
 |
| MAO: he was believed to have being sold out for Adeshina by Enilolobo |
Aregbe's greater ambition for the governorship of Osun State had become clearer since Oranmiyan Project was formally instituted in 2005. Taking advantage of the parliamentary rules, Argebe decided to groom Enilolobo for his leadership succession planning by positioning him as the Deputy Leader. Political observers described that as laudable futuristic outlook in succession by trans-generational planning. That literally translated to Eni becoming the apex Leader of Alimosho in view. But it turned out that the smart aleck could not wait to wielding the powers appropriately.
On the due date
the G18 was to decide on the progressives' final candidate for the
Igando-Ikotun LCDA Chairman in the coming 2008 local government elections,
Aregbe was bid to inevitably travel outside the shores of Nigeria. It thus fell
on the budding leadership of Eni to preside over the G18 for it.
As this author
reliably scooped at the time, Eni was with Aregbe at the Airport. For the
umpteenth time and without making it a specific order but parable of mentioning
guide, Aregbe advised Eni to work towards postponement of the election and gave
hin some clarified understanding to that effect: “If the election holds, MAO
will lose”, he was quoted to have told Eni, sarcastically though.
MAO was bidding
for a second term and he belonged to Aregbe's inner camp, which had then
transformed into Alimosho House of Oranmiyan. Throwing banter with MAO at his
GRA sanctuary of power in a night this author witnessed, Aregbe made a
flashback to an epoch of life struggle that had MAO and his senior wife for an
episode. This, from clear perspective, would seem to suffice that MAO was a
part in Aregb's heart and whose interest ought to be anticipatorily protected
by his majority camp in the G18.
But MAO lost
the election after all, posing a curiosity that put many astounded. MAO and his
camp yet put hope in the possibility of Aregbe reversing the loss. But Aregbe
never re-visited the issue on his return, even though it was an open issue by
electoral guide line of the Lagos State Electoral Commission (LASIEC). This was
more out of demanding leadership quality
An unsubstantiated
rumour had it that Oranmiyan camp deliberately sacrificed MAO for balance of
interest that ceded a local government chairmanship slot to Ajao camp. This
would give an impression of a sly Aregbe if his purported warning to Eni at the
airport was indeed half-hearted. But common sense would yet query to what
purpose it would serve, if not genuine, when it was a confidential talk between
the duos.
 |
| Omoba Falade: denied chaimanship of Mosan/Okunola by Eni against Aregbe's wish |
Thus far to the party faithful, the fact behind MAO's unfulfilled second term ambition was a closed issue. But it is no to this History.
In move to resolve the Alimosho APC crises that followed the 2019 general election by Ogbeni Rauf Aregbesola, while he expressed his disappointment with Omoba Akintola Falade, there were signs that he (Aregbe) was also not happy with Enilolobo for going against the subsisting agreement that Falade was to succeed Abiodun Mafe. part of these signs was the reported Aregbe's refusal to listen to Enilolobo who had attended the meeting called by Aregbe with video evidence of how Falade faction had worked for the opposition party in that election.
"Just go back home to go and reconcile everyone", Aregbe ordered Eni. Unknown to many, the Aregbe;s eventual intervention was remotely facilitated by the former First Vice Chairman of Alimosho progressives party. Prince Babatunde Ajilore (aka Obaruwaji).
